Slumlords Peace

June 25, 2019

https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/slumlords-peace-190624192319778.html


END WAR!! Stop the Warmongers!

June 21, 2019
WAR BEGETS WAR . . . AND NOTHING ELSE

By Robert C. Koehler

Bomb bomb bomb, bomb bomb Iran . . .

Thanks, John McCain! Let’s mix a little humor in with war. It’s so much easier to take when we do. By the way, have you noticed that we’re always on the verge of war?

“The bombing will be massive, but will be limited to a specific target.” So said a U.N. diplomat recently, according to the Jerusalem Post. Guess which country he was referring to.

An act of war is how we “send messages.” So the Trump hawks (this term may or may not include Donald himself) are thinking — if the paper’s sources have any credibility — of bombing an Iranian nuclear facility as an act of punishment because Iran “has announced that it intends to deviate from the nuclear agreement signed in 2015 and to enrich uranium at a higher level than the maximum it has committed to within the framework of the nuclear deal.”

This is all hush-hush, of course. War has to be planned in secret. The public’s role is definitely not to be part of the debate in the lead-up process or to question the facts that justify taking action. Its role is to cheer loudly when the hostilities begin, fervently hating the specified enemy and embracing the new war as a necessary, last-resort action to protect all that we hold dear.

Its role is definitely not to question war itself or to bring up the inevitability of unintended consequences, whether that be the death of babies or the poisoning of the environment. Its role is not to suggest that creating peace is essentially the opposite of waging war, or to cry out:

“War-making must be renounced. It is past time for the paradigm shift. We have one planet and we must see ourselves as one and we must take a stand.”

These are the words of Dud Hendrick of Veterans for Peace, and I pause here and let the words settle — in all their complexity — into the collective consciousness.

Perhaps what is most stunning about them is their complete absence from the corridors and smoke-filled rooms of American government. Instead, in virtually every story I read about one aspect or another of national security, what I hear is the echo of John McCain’s humorous chant. National security is always seen, in the corridors of power, as a matter of striking back against some enemy or other, an attitude that strikes me as both stupid and cowardly.

I’m not saying security — either national or personal — is in any way a simple concept, or that acknowledging “we are one planet” leads to some obvious course of action. Indeed, the opposite is the case. Striking back is the simple course of action, and jumping on its bandwagon requires ignoring the absolute certainty of unintended consequences that will result from a bombing campaign or an invasion or a cyberwar or the imposition of sanctions.

The absence of “we are one planet” voices at the highest levels of government guarantees that the government will pretty much always make simple, impulsive — wrong — decisions about national security. The absence of such voices in the mainstream media, at least in its geopolitical reportage, guarantees that there will be no long-term accountability for such decisions or any memory of the resulting consequences. Welcome to the 21st century: the century of endless war.

Thus:

“Over the past few months,” Politico reports, “senior Trump aides have made the case in public and private that the administration already has the legal authority to take military action against Iran, citing a law nearly two decades old that was originally intended to authorize the war in Afghanistan.”

The law in question is AUMF: the Authorization for Use of Military Force, passed in 2001, in the wake of 9/11, which gave the Bush administration permission to go on a hunting spree for terrorists without the need for ongoing congressional approval. Critics at the time argued that this gave dangerous leeway to the executive branch to wage war whenever it felt like doing so, without any sort of accountability to the requirements of democracy — such as making a case that the war in question is necessary.

And so the Politico story quotes Rep. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.), who, upon leaving a closed-door briefing in May held by acting Secretary of Defense Patrick Shanahan, noted: “What I heard in there makes it clear that this administration feels that they do not have to come back and talk to Congress in regards to any action they do in Iran.”

Bomb bomb bomb, bomb bomb Iran . . .

Or whatever.

As Medea Benjamin, and Nicolas J. S. Davies point out: “Whether in Iran, Venezuela, Cuba, North Korea or one of the 20 countries under the boot of U.S. sanctions, the Trump administration is using its economic weight to try to exact regime change or major policy changes in countries around the globe.”

And the New York Times informs us that the United States and Russia are currently fighting a “daily digital Cold War” — each country playing nasty little games with the other’s power grid. The Pentagon even has an arm called the United States Cyber Command, which “runs the military’s offensive and defensive operations in the online world” — and it’s getting more aggressive.

“But now the American strategy has shifted more toward offense, officials say, with the placement of potentially crippling malware inside the Russian system at a depth and with an aggressiveness that had never been tried before. It is intended partly as a warning, and partly to be poised to conduct cyberstrikes if a major conflict broke out between Washington and Moscow.

“The commander of United States Cyber Command, Gen. Paul M. Nakasone, has been outspoken about the need to ‘defend forward’ deep in an adversary’s networks to demonstrate that the United States will respond to the barrage of online attacks aimed at it.”

Somehow the existence of this crazy game doesn’t make me feel safer. And the president, the story points out, doesn’t even know about it: “Pentagon and intelligence officials described broad hesitation to go into detail with Mr. Trump about operations against Russia for concern over his reaction — and the possibility that he might countermand it or discuss it with foreign officials, as he did in 2017 when he mentioned a sensitive operation in Syria to the Russian foreign minister.”

The U.S. government, I fear, contains a terrible void where it ought to have sanity.

Robert Koehler is an award-winning, Chicago-based journalist and nationally syndicated writer. His book, Courage Grows Strong at the Wound is available. Contact him at koehlercw@gmail.com or visit his website at commonwonders.com.

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CHAOS, and house sale…

June 19, 2019
Bernardine and I have just finished moving from our home at 1329 E. 50th Street into an apartment. We left the house where we raised three wonderful kids, and where our parents spent the last years of their lives. It’s bitter sweet, of course—lots of memories, lots more to relish in the here and now, and much to look forward to. On Saturday June 22 (9-4) and Sunday June 23 (10-4) Candace organized a sale of everything we left behind: EGADS—there’s books, tables, cabinets, furniture, wall hangings, posters, art, and more. Come by if you like, and ask for Candace. (We will be out of town!!) Bill

Happy JUNETEENTH!!!

June 19, 2019
On June 19, 1865, slavery was finally ended in Texas — two and a half years after the Emancipation Proclamation. Every year on June 19th we who believe in freedom remember the Civil War as a social revolution from below that defeated the planter class. We have a long way to go in the struggle to defeat empire and white supremacy, and to achieve justice and freedom for all, but pause for a moment today to celebrate Juneteenth as we gather our collective strength for the struggles to come.

Support Chesa!

June 16, 2019
Angela Davis, Rebecca Solnit, and Jane Kim are among the many who have come out to support Chesa Boudin’s historic campaign for San Francisco District Attorney.

Criminal justice reform is a feminist issue— From the mothers awaiting trial behind bars because they can’t afford bail, to the survivors deprived of justice while vital evidence sits untested, to the trans women fighting for their rights and safety in the face of erasure, to the workers too fearful of deportation to report stolen wages, to the friends and relatives left picking up the pieces after loved ones are incarcerated.

Will you come out and join us and meet Chesa Boudin this next Sunday, June 23rd, from 1-2:30pm at Sphere, an intersectional women-focused co-working space in downtown Oakland? We really need your support. It will be a chance to have tea (or fancy rose) together and hear from Chesa directly.

Will you please rsvp either way and spread the word? 

https://www.paperlesspost.com/flyer/go/2XRy2aqfmGQJAdfomW6A


Kevin Kumashiro on Loud & Clear

June 15, 2019

https://www.spreaker.com/user/radiosputnik/education-for-liberation_7


BAY AREA comrades…A Must-See

June 14, 2019

https://www.matatu.co/routes/detroit-48202


Rashid Khalidi on Out-of-his-League Jared

June 12, 2019

https://www.nybooks.com/daily/2019/06/12/the-neocolonial-arrogance-of-the-kushner-plan/


Read This Book (please and thank you)

June 11, 2019

https://www.tcpress.com/about-becoming-a-teacher-9780807761496


From Vijay Prashad

June 7, 2019

Life and the People Have Never Let Us Down: The Twenty-Third Newsletter (2019).

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Vijay Prashad vijay@thetricontinental.org via gmail.mcsv.net 

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Dossier no. 17 Venezuela and Hybrid Wars in Latin America.
Life and the People Have Never Let Us Down: The Twenty-Third Newsletter (2019).

Dear Friends,

Greetings from the desk of the Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research.

There was a time not long ago when ‘Venezuela’ referred to the epicentre of a new revolutionary dynamic. Election after election – all validated by international authorities – showed that the people of the country wanted to take control of their resources and build a country for themselves and not for big corporations. Hugo Chávez, with his immense charisma, understood that it was not enough to build socialism inside one country; the region had to be drawn into the new dynamic.

Building from the legacy of Simón Bolívar (1783-1830), Chávez inspired millions of people across Latin America – what is called Patria Grande (‘The Great Homeland’) or Nuestra América (‘Our America’)– to join in the Bolivarian Revolution. There could be no solution to the immense problems of Latin America if each country in the region remained beholden to and dependent on the United States of America, Europe, and Canada. If each country remained isolated, every country would remain weak. Unity was the central phrase, which is why hemispheric regionalism was essential. Caracas was the capital of this Nuestra América, a phrase made famous by the Cuban poet and radical José Martí (1853-1895).

The Bolivarian Revolution, with its promise of regional solidarity and social development, threatened the owners of multinational corporations, those who saw themselves as the rightful inheritors of the earth. Canadian billionaire Peter Munk, who owned Barrick Gold, wrote of Chávez that he was a ‘dangerous dictator’; Munk compared Chávez to Hitler and called for Chávez to be overthrown. This was in 2007. That was twelve years ago. The plot to overthrow the Bolivarian Revolution does not emerge from any particular crisis inside Venezuela nor from any problem created by current President Nicolás Maduro. The real problem with Venezuela was—and is— the threat posed by a leadership that stands firmly against the suffocation of the country by multinational corporations; it is the problem posed by a country that attempts to produce a new path for a population that has long been mired in poverty despite its resource wealth. The meaning of ‘Venezuela’ had to change. It could no longer mean the promise of revolution. It could only mean dangerous chaos.

George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump – the three US presidents in the White House during the time of the Bolivarian Revolution – have in their own way attempted to overthrow Chávez and then Maduro. None of them have succeeded. The urgency for their action mimics that of the years before the 1973 coup in Santiago (Chile), when US Ambassador Edward Korry wrote scathingly about Chile’s right-wing ‘that blindly and greedily pursued its interests, wandering in a myopia of arrogant stupidity’. This defines the current Venezuelan Right. Then, Korry wrote, because the Right is so ‘stupid’, ‘lamentably the US will have to move faster’ – the US will have to do what the Right was not be able to do on behalf of the United States.

Ambassador Edward Korry to US State Department, 5 September 1970.
The US will have to move faster. That is the essence of US operations in Venezuela over the course of the past twenty years. It has always been the United States that has given the weak-kneed Venezuelan Right its marching orders and its guts. But the US is not alone in this operation. It has been joined – as I detailed in my column – by Canada, whose mining interests, represented by companies like Barrick Gold, are eager for the spoils of regime change. Attempts to overthrow the Bolivarian Revolution by coup and by delegitimization have failed. New, more sophisticated methods had to be devised. These methods go by the name Hybrid War — ‘a combination of unconventional and conventional means using a range of state and non-state actors that runs across the spectrum of social and political life.’

Our Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research offices in Buenos Aires (Argentina) and São Paulo (Brazil), with assistance from scholars and militants in Colombia, Haiti, and Venezuela, have produced a very thorough dossier on the hybrid war not only against Venezuela, but against the Bolivarian Revolution’s embers across Latin America – or Nuestra América. This dossier, our seventeenth, is one of our richest studies of the mechanisms of power in our time. A hybrid war is not fought necessarily on a battlefield, with conventional armies. It is an ideological war, a war to shape the way reality is seen, a war of position to define what is happening that leads eventually to a war of manoeuvre to overthrow a government. Maduro must no longer be seen as legitimate, but as a dictator. Every problem must be authored by him, every solution must be available from Washington’s allies, all of reality must conform to the view of things from the White House rather than from the Venezuelan people.

Of course, this war of position and war of manoeuvre – both terms from Antonio Gramsci – are not so easy to win. All of the financial and technological resources seem to advantage the camp of the coup. But they lack one important resource – the fellowship of the people. For the past twenty years, the Bolivarian Revolution has dug deep trenches inside the communities of the poor not only in Venezuela but throughout the hemisphere. The pictures of Chávez that are painted and re-painted in these barrios are not to be scoffed at. They mean a great deal to ordinary people. This Revolution crafted new hopes for millions of people, and they will fight tooth and nail to defend not this or that reform but the great horizon of freedom that has opened before them.

Lorenzo González Morales, Exhumación, 2004/2016.
It is not for nothing that Latin America has produced so many hundreds of great poets, most of them people of the Left and many of them militants of various movements. They are needed to expand our imagination, to give us courage in our fight and to shine a light into the future. Amongst them is Otto René Castillo (1934-1967), one of Guatemala’s great voices. Castillo took his notebooks with him to Guatemala’s jungles, where he picked up the gun and joined the Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes (Rebel Armed Forces). His faith in the capacity of people to overcome the counter-revolutionary wars of his day danced into his poetry.

               The most beautiful thing
for those who have fought
their whole life
is to arrive at the end and say;
we believed in people and in life,
and life and the people
have never let us down.

Castillo – along with his comrade Nora Paíz Cárcamo (1944-1967) – was captured in March of 1967, taken to the Zacapa barrack, tortured and then burned alive. Along with them, the army killed thirteen peasants, clothed them in rebel uniforms and left them all for dead – pretending that they had been killed in combat (a familiar ploy in today’s Colombia, as we discuss in our latest dossier). No such thing had occurred. All fifteen had been massacred in the military base of Las Palmas. This is the way of the camp of the coup. It wants to steal the soul of the people so as to reduce them into zombies who must bow their heads down and work, putting their precious labour towards the accumulation of capital in the hands of the tyrants of the economy.

Malangatana Ngwenya, 1936-2011.
Otto René Castillo is not an isolated figure. Across the world, art and rebellion have come together to imagine worlds beyond the time of the hybrid war. This week we celebrate Malangatana Ngwenya (1936-2011), the artist and militant with the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO). Malangatana’s mother was a healer, a tattooist, and a teeth-sharpener. One of his most powerful early paintings – with inspiration from his mother – was called The Mouth of Society Has Sharpened Teeth; The Only Way to Destroy A Monster Is to Pull Out his Teeth.

It is time to identify all the monsters. It is time to pull out their teeth.

Warmly, Vijay.