A Teacher Education Class

October 17, 2007

  1. What do you think about same sex schools?

It all depends. There can be advantages in certain circumstances and the answer will always be in the details. But in general, and all things being equal, I think schools do best when they follow the natural rhythms of family and community life. In the world I want to live in, women and men are equal, work and play together, live and interact together, and therefore learn and grow together.

  1. Are progressive techniques and strategies useful in all schools (private, urban, independent, etc.) Is your experience from working with all different schools, or just urban schools only?

I’ve worked in many kinds of schools—never a parochial or religious school—and at every level. Tactics and techniques vary from class to class and student to student. What remains consistent is principles and values. For example, I want to hold to the value of the unity of humanity, that is, every human being is of incalculable value and must be seen as a dynamic, three-dimensional, unruly spark of meaning-making energy on a voyage of discovery and surprise. I have to approach my students with awe and humility and think of myself as fortunate to be able to share (and even help shape) a bit of our voyage together.

  1. How do you go about doing things in a public school when you don’t have “permission” (from the administration?) What advice do you have for a “loose canon?

First, the obvious: ask forgiveness, not permission. Don’t set out to learn the rules. Do your thing. Second, find the cracks, the places where no one cares (lunch, recess, break, before school, after school, social studies) and no one is watching to bring your teaching to life. Third, do what is asked of you, and more. Enhance the stated curriculum with performances, projects, and portfolios.

  1. Think back to a time when you noticed there was a flaw in your journey? How did you feel? How did you adjust?

Terrible. Criticize yourself at the end of each day. Forgive yourself at the beginning of the next day. Keep putting one foot in front of the other.

  1. Can any teaching style be affective when there are disruptive students in class?

There are always disruptive students in class. The challenge is to make your curriculum and teaching so compelling, so engaging, so interesting, and so finely calibrated for multiple entry points, that most kids will want to be there, eager to participate. The trick is to have the class become enough of a community so that most misbehavior isn’t a matter of Jake and Mary getting over on you, but rather each being brought back on board by everyone.

  1. What would be the one piece of advice for us as future teachers to keep us focused and not to give into complacency?

Focus on the kids—each an entire universe of ideas, capacities, dreams, needs, desires. So fun to be with. So smart and interesting. Take a look. Now, look again, more deeply this time.

  1. Give me two essential/most important aspects that a teacher should take in consideration to create a real learning environment.

Go visit the kids at home. Now hang out in the community. What informal learning/curriculum exists there? Replicate it. Now extend and expand it. Now blow it open.

  1. In a high school setting, what methods would you suggest be used to minimize gang activity in your classroom? (Especially if it has become a prevailing part of the sub-culture within one’s school.)

Build a curriculum around gangs. Begin like this:

—What’s a gang?

—Are all gang’s made up of youth?

—What gangs are for older people?

—What are some good things about gangs?

—What are some bad things?

—Could gangs work together?

—Could gangs work to make a better community?

—What 2 things would you suggest to turn the negative to the positive in gangs?

I’d also read “Romeo and Juliet”, “Always Running”, “Fist, Stick, Knife, Gun,” “Nip the Buds Shoot the Kids,” Claude Brown, Piri Thomas, and I’d see “West Side Story,” “Just Another Girl on the IRT,” “Once Were Warriors” and more.

  1. How can you use the community as a resource for teaching, if the community or school official does not allow you to?

You live in the community. You walk through it every day. You get the paper. You have a TV. Just use it.

  1. How can you maximize a child’s full potential in education if you don’t have the full support and cooperation of their parent(s)?

Careful about seeing the parents as negative. What does full support mean anyway? I’ve never met parents who didn’t hope for good things for their kids. Start by saying to each parent: “You know Jimmy better than I ever will…What advice can you give me to make me a better teacher for him?” The dialogue begins there.

  1. As a writer myself, I would like to know how to integrate my teaching philosophy into my writing.

To start, listen to the kids. Tape record them. Get them writing. Now you have raw material to ground your stories in. Read the great teacher-writers: Ashton-Warner, Kohl, Paley, Mike Rose, Herndon, McCourt, Septima Clark, Tolstoy…

  1. Have you found that public schools, that are so consumed with state test scores to the point that the curriculum focuses solely on the material that is on the test, to be receptive to alternate teaching methods, or are private schools more likely to embrace them?

All schools are entangled, none are free, so wherever you teach you will have to invert yourself in part in opposition. There is no easy path, no blueprint. Teaching is the most difficult and the most transcendent of all callings because no one can tell you how it’s done.

  1. How can a teacher find the space to teach children when they are given a set curriculum?

Find allies. Parents. Other teachers. Free kids. Work the cracks.

  1. What if the school doesn’t allow me to teach the way I want to, the way I learned in this book outside from following the usual school curriculum, and how do I get support to be able to expand this form of teaching?

Find allies. Parents. Other teachers. Free kids. Work the cracks.

  1. How do we engage students, get them to “want” to learn when they don’t care, and when no one supports them?

All kids want to learn. All of us are in fact learning all the time. We don’t always learn what we’re “supposed” to—often the lessons are boredom, irrelevance, alienation, and cynicism. You’re in class right now—you’re students—so you know what I mean. But what child didn’t want to learn to walk, talk, eat, run, and more. Wanting to learn—to become stronger, more capable, more powerful—is the human condition. Schools subvert this, and good teachers struggle to get back to it.

  1. How do you feel about the way society portrays teachers and if there is anything we as a society can do to change this stigma?

See You Tube: “Nice White Lady.” That’s a cliché all over our culture. Resist. Speak up.


Norman Finkelstein…

September 6, 2007

Norman Finkelstein resigned today from DePaul University, a wrenching decision given what he has faced and endured. An earlier letter of protest follows:

 

 

 

 

 

 

September 4, 2007

 

The Rev. Dennis H. Holtschneider, C.M.

President

DePaul University

1 East Jackson Boulevard

Chicago, Illinois 60604-2287

 

Dear President Holtschneider,

 

            We write to you today as colleagues from a neighbor institution, and we write in the spirit of dialogue and tolerance which is so central to the Vincentian tradition that you and DePaul University hold dear.  We write in the hope that in the midst of what must seem to you at times like a firestorm, you can find a space of serenity and peace to reflect on the larger meanings and implications of events unfolding now at DePaul, locate those events in the context of increasing attacks on speech and open inquiry in the academy, and, finally, stand up unequivocally for intellectual freedom and for justice.

            We refer, of course, to the controversy swirling around Professor Norman Finkelstein’s tenure and promotion case, and the University’s decision to deny tenure to him and another highly-regarded professor, Mehrene E. Larudee.  Tenure and promotion is rarely an open affair, but these particular cases have entered the public square with force and velocity.  In part this is because the University reversed the Political Science Department’s recommendation regarding Dr. Finkelstein, reached through a time-tested peer review process, and in part it’s the result of the noisy campaign by Alan Dershowitz, a prominent Harvard University law professor, to undermine and demonize Dr. Finkelstein and his work.  Professor Dershowitz publicly promised that he would see to it that Norman Finkelstein would never be granted tenure, and, as events continue to unfold, as standards, rules, and rights seem to topple before him, it’s increasingly believable that Alan Dershowitz’ troubling and bullying threat has come true. 

            But perhaps the decisive element igniting this case is that Professor Finkelstein’s scholarship is at the vortex of one of the most complex and vexing areas in the world today: Israel/Palestine.  His work is controversial without doubt, always provocative, sometimes gut-wrenching.  It is also courageous, for he has little concern for who he offends or who he supports.  He follows the evidence wherever it leads him, and he speaks in a singular voice without regard to any orthodoxy whatsoever.  His record is stellar: five published books with a variety of academic and trade publishers, a range of scholarly articles, reviews, and papers.  His work is widely read, cited, debated. 

            There are many areas of inquiry and debate that are fairly straight-forward; Israel/Palestine is not one of them.  It is, rather, a dynamic and complex area full of emotion, conflicting claims, ideology, fear, anxiety.  But our universities are uniquely organized so that these areas, too, can be at the center of its discourse, even when they cause misunderstanding and hurt, anger and hostility. 

            The primary job of intellectuals and scholars is to challenge orthodoxy, dogma, and mindless complacency, to be skeptical of all authoritative claims, to interrogate and trouble the given and the taken-for-granted.  The growth of knowledge, insight, and understanding depends on their kind of effort, and the inevitable clash of ideas that follows must be nourished and not crushed. 

            Teachers have certain fundamental responsibilities, chiefly to organize classrooms as sites of open discussion, free of coercion or intimidation.  By all accounts Professor Finkelstein meets this standard.  His classes are fully enrolled, and students welcome the exchange of views that he encourages.  Students should always recognize that a classroom can only be relatively safe, that arguing about ideas cannot be risk-free.  Feeling uncomfortable about one’s beliefs—students and teachers alike—is a matter of course in good classrooms.

            Reverend Holtschneider, your decision in this matter will have an impact far beyond Norman Finkelstein himself.  The dismissals of Professors Finkelstein and Larudee threaten to undermine the role of the university as a foundation of democracy and as a forum for ideas and debate on the critical social issues of our time.  They impact the life of the university as a whole by casting a chill on classroom teaching, the selection of research projects, and the tenure and promotion process.  All of your students are watching to see how a leader responds to a crisis, and what role principle plays.  Young scholars and teachers are watching, weighing what is worth knowing and experiencing, studying and pursuing.  The larger society is watching, many of us hopeful that you will strike a blow for the right to think, which is today in doubt.

 

                                                                                    Sincerely,

 

                                                                                   


SEX AND POLITICS

August 30, 2007

Combine a culture of sexual repression, shame, fear, and self-loathing with a politics of authoritarianism and a practice of totalitarian power, and you get centuries of rape and torture—glossed as the psychological problems of a few aberrant priests— or reactionary politicians burning their imagined witches by day and sneaking an anonymous forbidden look or touch whenever possible.

“I’m not gay,” the senator from Idaho wailed on TV as he held tight to the humiliated wife’s hand, busted in an airport bathroom reaching into a nearby stall, and of course he’s right: he’s neither gay nor happy nor free nor sane.

I remember a book written almost half a century ago about the anonymous sex scene in the public parks of Idaho’s largest city. It was called The Boys of Boise, and it might be worth another look.


JUSTICE, JUSTICE

July 19, 2007

Justice, Justice: School Politics and the Eclipse of Liberalism (History of Schools and Schooling, V. 40)

reviewed by William Ayers & Richard Ayers — July 18, 2007

coverTitle: Justice, Justice: School Politics and the Eclipse of Liberalism (History of Schools and Schooling, V. 40)
Author(s): Daniel H. Perlstein
Publisher: Peter Lang Publishing, New York
ISBN: 0820467871 , Pages: 218, Year: 2004
Search for book at Amazon.com

 

 Teaching For Change  

 

Justice, Justice, the title of Daniel Perlstein’s searing and illuminating history of a decisive moment in the modern history of American education, is taken from the Book of Deuteronomy:  “Justice, justice shall thou pursue.” It’s a fitting refrain here, and it’s a useful compass to traverse the tangled terrain through which Perlstein guides his readers. Justice, and again — when things get messy and muddy — justice.

 

In a style both spare and elegant, Perlstein exposes the contradictions that animated and found their full expression in the 1968 New York City teachers’ strike and, indeed, that echo with force and heat in every significant school struggle today. His great accomplishment here is pinpointing the pivotal event in which contradictory visions of social justice and change, democracy, progress, and the American dream — articulated by teacher unionists and Black community activists — met in dramatic and bitter confrontation. The site was the New York City public schools, the struggle was over who had the power to reorganize and lead, the outcome forever altered the terms of subsequent debate and struggle.

 

Perlstein’s capacity to evoke a scene with both depth and detail, to focus on the local, is matched by his ability to hold in view the larger concentric circles of context — economic condition, for example, historical flow, cultural surround — in which people necessarily make sense and take action. So we see in these pages Albert Shanker and Milton Galamison, Bayard Rustin and Annie Stein, Rhody McCoy and Liz Fusco and Herman Ferguson as three-dimensional characters in action; and we simultaneously feel the press of the Black Freedom Movement, the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. and the rise of Black Power, the war in Vietnam, the drive to unionize teachers, de-industrialization and the explosive growth of poor communities of color in American cities matched by the easy availability of suburban housing for whites, the assertion of ethnic identity among Jewish teachers and the retreat from a civil rights ideal, Israel’s six-day war, and more. Perlstein notes that “the social conditions that restrict our actions do not dictate them” (p. 2), and that real choices were being made by real people acting within the conditions and the swirl of history as they found them. The result is an account that is fair and evenhanded, profoundly human and fully accessible.

 

It was a year of transformation, a watershed, and a flashpoint of revolutionary crisis. There were monumental, cataclysmic struggles exploding all over the globe, and the New York educational crisis ranks as one of the most important. It was here, in the Black community initiative for control of the schools, and in the teachers’ organized opposition to this development, that the fundamental templates for future action were forged.

 

The conflict broke out after the New York Board of Education authorized the election of experimental neighborhood school boards in Harlem and Ocean Hill-Brownsville (Brooklyn) in the spring of 1967 as a way to promote school equity. While the United Federation of Teachers at first supported community boards, they were doubtful after militant reformers won elections in August. When the local board in Ocean Hill-Brownsville sought to reassign some 13 teachers and six administrators who were deemed ineffective, the UFT, which had not opposed dozens of transfers in the past, called a strike that became one of the most divisive conflicts in labor and civil rights history, pitting traditional allies against each other.

 

The teachers’ union leadership evoked images of the “blackboard jungle” and the dangerous Black student, emphasizing that their safety depended on their ability to discipline students.  The community activists pointed out the dismal state of the schools and the high failure and dropout rate of African American students. Those who opposed community control had to maintain not only that things might get worse, but that the status quo was mostly acceptable. This was a stance the Black community could not abide — white teachers seemed to be defending business as usual when that business meant the failure and the crushing of Black youth. The strong response of the union against community control combined with assertions of the pathological nature of the Black community, solidified a belief among community activists that schools were institutions of domination and colonial control rather than hope and access.

 

Another dimension of the confrontation was charges of anti-Semitism on one side and white supremacist thinking on the other. Perlstein reports several instances of extreme rhetoric from each side – Albert Shanker saying that “If community control becomes a fact, they will paint swastikas on your schools”; Herman Ferguson reading a poem about a “Jew-boy” on the radio – noting that while these were not in any way representative, each was willing to seize on such comments to insist that the others were either anti-Semitic or virulent white racists.

 

Organized teachers, especially the UFT and its leader Albert Shanker, emerged as the clear winners, gaining a measure of political power and clout that had been unimaginable just a few years earlier. And yet, as Perlstein argues, their victory, “coming at the expense of the movement for racial justice, discouraged interracial coalitions for better education, subverted the notion that schools could help construct an equitable society, and exacerbated feelings of demoralization in teacher’s daily school work” ( p. 154). Liberal whites had concluded that Black advancement had gone far enough, that anything more would be at their expense. Teacher unionists won a battle then, and simultaneously lost another: they narrowed the sense of what teaching is and could be, and they impoverished the sense of what teachers might become.  More than settling for a blue-collar metaphor for what constitutes the work of teaching, they irrevocably stamped professionalism itself as standing against parents and opposed to the possibility of a shared commitment or mutual community of interest. Teachers as laborers or teachers as professionals — each now stood off by itself and carried the bitter stench of racism.

 

The losses suffered by the Black Freedom Movement were even more profound and lasting, for not only did it lose the immediate battle for meaningful community control, but, according to Perlstein, “the flowering of racial pride and consciousness never translated into an effective movement for racial justice” (p. 154).  All the roiling energy of the Black Freedom Movement for civil and human rights, for equality and membership, for unequivocal recognition of the full humanity of Black people, coalesced around the school struggle. Everything was in play from questions about what role school should play in society to what should be taught and how, and who should have the power to decide such things. Teacher unionists insisted on greater power to discipline students, while teachers aligned with the community argued that “schools were fundamentally oppressive to youth, organized not for learning but for social control” (p. 74). Writing in an underground newspaper at the time, a 14-year-old high school student compared schools to prisons: “we were required by state law to be there, but when we were there we had no rights” (p. 75).  And Herman Ferguson, an assistant principal and a major voice for community control argued for a “black survival curriculum” of “self-determination, self-control, and self-defense [against] the whole phenomenon of white supremacy spread and fostered and supported through the educational system” (p. 134).

 

Worse, white supremacy had not only endured but strengthened, for the concept of race blindness was transformed at this moment and in this struggle “from a means for opposing racial inequality into a means of justifying it” (p. 10).  New York’s white teacher unionists played a critical role in that transformation, which is at the heart of Albert Shanker’s legacy – a legacy that was recently acted upon by the Supreme Court invoking the new color-blind standard in their decision forbidding the racial balancing of schools.

 

The “self-described socialists of the UFT gradually slid from the notion that superficial racial divisions masked more fundamental ones of class to the notion that inequality would wither without any intervention from activists” (p. 25). The union opposed measures to integrate schools, and promoted instead programs to eliminate the “cultural deficits” of ghetto youngsters. The assumption was that the schools were fundamentally fine, and that the problems reside in the kids, an assumption community advocates rejected in toto.

 

Today when we talk about school reform, plan for change, strategize about closing the achievement gap, consider decentralization as a tactic, pursue alternative routes to teacher certification in order to attract smart and energetic young people, bring in staff development gurus to help us overcome the failings we take to reside inside students themselves, or face a teachers’ strike — when these and a hundred other possibilities confront us, we would do well to consult Justice, Justice.  This is a text for all times.

 

 

 

 

Cite This Article as: Teachers College Record, Date Published: July 18, 2007
http://www.tcrecord.org ID Number: 14557, Date Accessed: 7/18/2007 8:06:54 PM

 


PUPPETS and QUAGMIRES

July 19, 2007

The tragic consequences of Bush and Cheney’s scam war must some day be accounted and paid for. Impeachment Now!!

Their puppets in Karachi and Baghdad are now being blamed for US failure in both Pakistan and Iraq, and they’re learning a fundamental lesson about empire: a primary responsibility of being the front man is to take the fall so the  evil puppet masters can live to kill another day.


Where Justice is Denied…

July 14, 2007

where poverty is enforced, where ignorance prevails and where any one class is made to feel that society is in an organized conspiracy to oppress, rob, and degrade them, neither persons nor property will be safe….   Frederick Douglass


Brother Rick Sez:

July 4, 2007

Download the original attachment

REVIEW

Tested: One American School Struggles to Make the Grade.

by Linda Perlstein

Henry Holt and Co.

2007

reviewed by Rick Ayers
I knew a man from a small Mayan village.  He said something that has always stayed with me.  “When you look out at the ruins of Tenochtitlan, with its massive buildings and straight avenues, perhaps you see evidence of a great civilization.  What I see is a fascist nightmare.” 

I couldn’t help thinking of that phrase again and again as I read Linda Perlstein’s Tested: One American School Struggles to Make the Grade.   Perlstein, an education reporter for the Washington Post, has spent a year in a low-income elementary school in Annapolis, Maryland.  Specifically, she was looking at the impacts of testing, of No Child Left Behind and the Maryland School Assessment (MSA) on children’s lives.  What she found, while not always fascist, was certainly a nightmare.

Perlstein has done what hardly anyone else has in the current policy debates on education and testing:  spent time in a real school, with real people, for enough time to get a feel for the daily life of children.  At Tyler Heights Elementary School we meet youngsters caught up in a frenzy of test prep and drills – driven by a principal and superintendent who are obsessed with meeting the MSA test levels so their school won’t be punished. 

The year starts with a buzz of excitement because Tyler Heights has scored well, very well, in the previous year in the tests.  The anxiety now was to be able to repeat the results. “Scores were posted throughout the school and recited at meetings, a constant reminder of the ultimate goal.”  Teachers were held to scripted curricula, required to make academic progress every day.  On day one, first graders were drilled on the difference between consonants and vowels.  By now, independent reading, and rich imaginative play were out the window. 

In this brave new world of schooling, students don’t simply respond to a piece of writing.  They must learn (in third grade) to create a “brief constructed response” – which has an acronym like everything else, it’s a BCR.  Students are taught to use BATS, to borrow from the question, answer the question, use text support, and stretch.  These students must do five BCRs per day, in their practice for the March testing days.  They must also answer the question, “why is this a poem?” with such inane (and wrong) comments like, “I know it is a poem because it rhymes and has stanzas.”  Don’t tell Allen Ginsberg about this.  Stories are reduced to the “message” – devoid of wonder.  My writing teacher in college told me, “Only Western Union sends messages.”

Some schools, the ones that make a fetish of test prep, indeed make improvements in test scores.  But is this good education? At Tyler Heights, physical education, art, music, play, and even science are pretty much set aside.  And whatever small amount of art or exercise they do is justified because it might help math scores, not because it has value in itself.  What kind of citizens are we making here?

So, you might wonder, what if we are miseducating the kids a bit, making them stupid in the short run so they can perform higher tasks later?  At least they are learning, right?  But you have to look more closely.  Students are required to sit in a “learning position”:  with feet on the floor, back against the chair, hands on desk, head up and forward.  Students are criticized, harped at, intimidated, and threatened. 

During an attempt to cram geography factoids into a group of third graders, one teacher became frustrated with the squirming and distraction of the kids.  “‘Put your papers away in your social studies folder and put your heads down,’ Miss Johnson said.  ‘I’m done teaching for today.  I’m not talking any more.  You don’t want to get smarter, that’s your problem.  If you don’t pass third grade, if you don’t pass your report card, if you don’t pass the MSA, you can explain to your parents why not.  If you want your third grade to be awful and miserable, keep doing what you’re doing.’”  (p. 49)  Wow, sounds like a lot of people are confused about their responsibility. 

This horror is not for all kids, of course.  Don’t believe the children of politicians suffer these tortures – most of them go to wealthy suburban or private schools where independent thinking, critical reflection, and free play are the norm. Even at nearby Crofton Elementary School, with a white middle-class population, test scores were always pretty good and students were treated to projects, field trips, and creative writing. The tests, you see, are calibrated to white middle-class discourse and approaches so the achievement gap is in place before the students ever arrive at school.

One of the most disturbing discoveries Perlstein has made in her investigation is the host of consultants and packaged education programs that buzz around schools, selling them pre-packaged curricula and test-boosters.  Like the war profiteers who respond with glee to the Iraq quagmire, these companies make literally billions in the currently constructed education crisis.  Some of the catchy names that show up at Tyler Heights include the Open Court reading script from McGraw-Hill (for which the district paid $7 million for just one year), Saxon Math, Corrective Reading, Soar to Success, SpellRead, Brain Gym (who present a new age set of exercises called Education Kinesiology, I’m not kidding, that costs a pretty penny), Second Step (violence prevention), Ace Your Test, Polishing the Apple, Total Quality Management, and the Positive Behavioral Intervention System.   The latter has teachers writing on turkey decoration during Thanksgiving:  “We are thankful for great behavior!”

Perlstein’s account makes the reader shudder and wonder how we let education “reform” become such a mess.  My one quibble with her is that she tends to repeat the misinformed prejudices about the inadequacies and deficits of the poor, mostly African American and Latino, community.  The stereotype that the community is rife with crack, abusive parents, malnutrition, and constant television is belied by real data (there is often more cocaine, alcoholism, divorce in nearby wealthy communities – yet kids are doing well in school).  Pathologizing the poor instead of looking for ways to make education institutions more relevant is an old game in public policy.

As Wisconsin education professor Gloria Ladson-Billings has pointed out, we should not define the problem as an “achievement gap” as much as an educational debt that has accumulated as a result of centuries of denial of access to education and employment – which is exacerbated by deepening poverty and the lack of funding for schools.

One comes away from Tested with a sad sympathy for the people involved.  The children, of course, who endure this official abuse; the families who are marginalized and detested by the schools; even the principal and the staff, who are working hard every day on this impossible project.  After all, just because it is wrong does not mean it is not a lot of hard work.

Rick Ayers is the author of Great Books for High School Kids A Teacher’s Guide to Books That Can Change Teens’ Lives


Letter to the New York Times

June 18, 2007

In Chicago every third-grade teacher is unhappy with every second
grade teacher because, they report, “The kids aren’t ready!” Ditto
every high school teacher in relation to every elementary and middle
school teacher. And now, according to Karen Arenson (May 15, 2007),
we can add college professors to the steady and tiresome whine: the
students are unprepared.
It certainly would be convenient if young people arrived with
everything, save some content we want to impart, already in place,
but perhaps it’s more realistic for teachers at every level to step
back, take a deep breath, and teach the diverse, uneven, complex and
wiggly students who actually show up in their classrooms.


The White Man’s Burden

June 14, 2007

Tough being an imperialist— you give and give, sacrifice and sacrifice, and the little colored natives never seem to get it right. This attitude is the screaming subtext in the ongoing discussion among the idiots who pass for political leaders in the US, perfectly captured in a headline in the  liberal pro-imperialist New York Times on June 13, 2007—“Iraqis Are Failing to Meet Benchmarks Set by US.” It’s all their fault! The US did what it could for those people, but the Benchmarks for god’s sake, they can’t meet them!


IRAQ SURGE: A Predictable Colonial Catastrophe

June 11, 2007

The direction of events and outcomes is tragically predictable, and the comparisons of May 2003 and May 2007 tell a story:

US troops in Iraq: 150,000 / 150,000.

Other “Coalition” troops: 23,000 / 12,000 (Albania is hanging in there!)

US troop deaths: 37 / 123 ( “troops” does not include the massive mercenary army called “contractors”)

Iraqi civilian deaths (est) : 500 / 2,750

New Iraqi civilians displaced by violence: 10,000 / 80,000

Iraqis who say the country is moving in the right direction: 70% / 36%

So much for all the empty rhetoric and rationalization— the despised “foreign fighters” in  Iraq R Us.